Pennsylvania College of Technology
Dr. Ed Vavra
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Additional Reviews of Previous Research on Syntax:
Syntactic Maturity and Grades

 
Introduction

     "If you forget that you're reading a student's paper, you know that you're dealing with an A." So said one of my colleagues, and it got me thinking once again about the relationship between the syntactic component of students' writing and the grades that they receive on papers. I remembered sitting in my Chairman's Office, many years ago at Shenandoah College, discussing the senior essay of a bright non-traditional student with the three other members of the English Department. Much was said about the style of her writing. As I look back now, I think we liked it so much because it sounded so much like our own.
      Although a lot remains to be learned about the statistical analysis of syntax, we do know that professionals tend to average 20 words per main clause, to vary the length of main clauses, to vary sentence openers, to use a liberal sprinkling of subordinate clauses, gerundives and appositives, and to make relatively few errors. Theoretically, in other words, we could design a research project that would measure the correlation between syntactic aspects of style and the grades that students get on papers. I probably will not live long enough to do so, however, because the task is not that simple. It has been tried, and this document will review some of those attempts to explore what worked and what didn't.



 
Roos, M.E. "Syntactic maturity and grading: A correlational study. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Wyoming Conference on Freshman and Sophomore English. Laramie, July 1981. ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED 207 071.

     Perhaps the best way to summarize this fascinating study is to quote the abstract:

As a pilot study, Roos' work is very important, but there are a number of reasons to question his conclusions.

Question # 1: Who is doing the grading?

     One of the interesting things that Roos did was to ask each of the five graders "to estimate roughly what percentage of an essay grade is determined by a student's proficiency in each of four areas." He then presents a table of the results:
 

Teacher: A B C D E Average
Content 30 25 60 30 20 35
Organization 20 50 15 20 20 25
Style 10 0 10 10 0 6
Mechanics 40 25 15 40 50 34
[Note that the distribution for grader E totals only 90%.]

According to Roos, two of these teachers taught lower track Freshmen, two taught upper track, and one (C) taught Sophomore literature. Each of these five teachers was asked to submit nine papers, randomly chosen from the same assignment -- 3 A's, 3 B's, and 3 C's. Although Roos was most interested in style, he notes that "no teacher rated it higher than 10 percent, and two of the three [sic] teachers insisted it had no effect on a paper's grade. One of them commented on the survey, 'I don't think we have students who are ready to work on style.'" (7) Asking the teachers to indicate what they saw as the relative weight of each of the four areas was an interesting idea, but there is no indication that the five teachers meant the same thing by "Style." Perhaps it would have been better to include more categories, such as sentence length, variety, etc.
     Another problem is implied by Roos when he discusses combining sentences with semicolons. He specifically notes that although teachers had "dabbled" with sentence combining, he states that "none of the teachers used sentence combining extensively in class." (6) But this raises the question of what did they do in class? Suppose, for example, and it is not a far-out assumption, that the teachers taught students how to use semicolons. [See above.] These were, after all, mainly English teachers teaching comp to college Freshmen, Freshmen whom the teachers believed were unable to deal with "style." Thus the significant results that Roos finds could be simply the result of the teachers recognizing in the writing exactly what the teachers had been teaching. In itself, this is not bad, but it certainly would mess up the research study, and without further background from Roos, we have no way of knowing whether or not this was the case. Roos also does not discuss the errors in the students' writing -- fragments, comma-splices, etc. that could have affected the teachers grading. The teachers may have considered these as matters of "mechanics," but they certainly affect t-unit and word/sentence counts.
     Still another problem is that Roos looks for results in the total averages, i.e., he averages all the A papers, B papers, etc. In effect, this may obscure some very significant results. Suppose, for example, that teachers A and C do give much better grades to students who write longer t-units with more subordinate clauses. When their eighteen  papers were added to the 27 papers of the other teachers -- and averaged -- the significance would have been lost. Roos, in other words, should have looked for statistical correlations between the grading of individual teachers and the syntactic structures in the papers that each graded. To say that, on average, syntactic style does not affect grading, is not the same as saying that, for example, for one of every five teachers, syntactic style may make the difference of a letter grade on a paper. A typical college degree entails forty courses. If the grades in eight of those courses can be shown to be affected by the students' syntactic style, that is a pretty good reason for looking more closely at the teaching of syntax.
     Indeed, the final problem with Roos' choice of graders is that they are all English teachers -- four of them English teachers of writing. As my critique of NCTE's attitude toward teaching grammar indicates, it might not be difficult to show that English teachers are more lenient and less influenced by students' "style" than are teachers in history, psychology, biology, business, math, etc. Any study that claims to make a valid correlation (or lack of) between syntactic maturity and grades should include graded papers from a wide range of disciplines. This is particularly true because papers in history, psychology, etc. may require advanced syntactic constructions -- subordinate clauses, appositives, gerundives -- to convey their content clearly.

Question # 2: Definitions of Syntactic Constructions

     We need to remember that Roos was presenting a paper at a conference and thus was constrained for both time and space. But for his study to be valid, we need to know exactly what he counted, for example, as main and subordinate clauses. As I have noted elsewhere, the researchers do not agree on what counts as what, but such definitions can have a major impact on the statistical results. [Mellon, for example, counts some subordinate clauses as separate main clauses.]

Question # 3: The Definition of Syntactic Maturity

      For the time in which he was working, Roos includes a fair summary of previous research, but he missed some important work by Kellogg Hunt on "Late Blooming" constructions. Hunt not only argues that the appositive and gerundive are "late blooming," but he also points out that they reduce both clause count and clause length. Consider, for example, the following sets of sentences:

Remember that Roos states that "The results indicated a slight correlation between the grades and the number of clauses per t-unit and the number of t-units per sentence..." In our example, sentence 1 has two T-units per sentence, and sentence 2 has two clauses per T-unit. Sentence 3, however, which Hunt would claim as the most mature, has only one T-unit and one clause. In Roos study, therefore, any sentences in the students' papers which were structured like #3 would have been counted as less mature, even though Hunt would claim the opposite. And, in the second part of his study, Roos notes that "the number of words per sentence was found to be the most significant factor." But in our example, the most mature sentence has only eight words, whereas the less mature have 10 and 11.
     The same effect occurs with gerundives: More clauses, more T-units, and more words appear in the LESS mature sentences. Any study which claims to measure syntactic maturity has to include a count of appositives and gerundives per main clause. In Teaching Grammar as a Liberating Art, I try to explain the dynamics of natural syntactic development. Those dynamics include combining (Sentence 1), embedding (Sentence 2), and then substituting with accompanying deletion (Sentence 3). Because Roos did not count the third, it is highly possible that many of the papers he analyzed included advanced stylistic features which he simply missed.

Question # 3: Narrowness of Scope

     I have already noted the problem of Roos limiting the study to papers graded by English teachers, but he makes another assumption that he himself questioned:

Papers get D's and F's for lots of different reasons, but surely a fair number of those low grades result from overly simplistic, garbled, and/or poorly punctuated sentences. As I have suggested in the model of how the brain processes language, such problems cause the reader to "crash," and they therefore affect the reader's ability to extract the content of the essay.
     Every semester, I tell my students about an experience I had while working in Cornell's Tutoring Center. A student came to me, sent by his History Professor, because the student supposedly could not write well. A brief examination of the student's essay revealed that the student indented for a new paragraph after almost every sentence. Closer examination revealed that the paper was well-organized, but all the indentations simply threw the reader off track. We discussed paragraph structure for about an hour, and he went away. A few weeks later, he came back -- looking for me. His History Professor had accused him of plagiarism. The Professor claimed that it was impossible for him to have written his second paper because it was so much better than the first. I wrote a note asking the Professor to review the first paper and to look at the difference in paragraph indentations. As a result, the student went from an F on the first paper to an A on the second, an A so good that the Professor had charged him with plagiarism.
     Although my example involves paragraph structure rather than syntax, it is relevant. Anything that affects readability can have an effect, sometimes a major effect, on grades. Syllogistically, therefore, the case is closed: I am not suggesting that we rest on the logical proof. Many questions remain about the degree and the ways in which syntax affects grades. But the question surely deserves further investigation -- including the D's and F's.

Conclusion

     Although Roos' conclusions are not valid, his study certainly points in an important direction and suggests some of the features that future studies should incorporate. Ultimately, it would be nice to have some large-scale studies of the correlations between syntactic maturity and grades at different grade levels and in different subject areas. Such studies, however, are extremely time-consuming and expensive. In the meantime, numerous studies on a smaller scale would be helpful. A graduate student or a teacher could, for example, collect a set of graded essays from another teacher (at any grade level, and preferably not from an English teacher), analyze the syntax, and see if there are correlations. Ideally, such a study would include permission to reproduce the original writing on the internet. That would make the originals available not only for review, but also for inclusion in larger studies.