Pennsylvania College of Technology |
Dr. Ed Vavra
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"If you forget that you're reading
a student's paper, you know that you're dealing with an A." So said one
of my colleagues, and it got me thinking once again about the relationship
between the syntactic component of students' writing and the grades that
they receive on papers. I remembered sitting in my Chairman's Office, many
years ago at Shenandoah College, discussing the senior essay of a bright
non-traditional student with the three other members of the English Department.
Much was said about the style of her writing. As I look back now, I think
we liked it so much because it sounded so much like our own.
Although a lot remains
to be learned about the statistical analysis of syntax, we do know that
professionals tend to average 20 words per main clause, to vary the length
of main clauses, to vary sentence openers, to use a liberal sprinkling
of subordinate clauses, gerundives and appositives, and to make relatively
few errors. Theoretically, in other words, we could design a research project
that would measure the correlation between syntactic aspects of style and
the grades that students get on papers. I probably will not live long enough
to do so, however, because the task is not that simple. It has been tried,
and this document will review some of those attempts to explore what worked
and what didn't.
Roos, M.E. "Syntactic maturity and grading: A correlational study. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Wyoming Conference on Freshman and Sophomore English. Laramie, July 1981. ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED 207 071. |
Perhaps the best way to summarize this fascinating study is to quote the abstract:
Question # 1: Who is doing the grading?
One of the interesting things
that Roos did was to ask each of the five graders "to estimate roughly
what percentage of an essay grade is determined by a student's proficiency
in each of four areas." He then presents a table of the results:
Teacher: | A | B | C | D | E | Average |
Content | 30 | 25 | 60 | 30 | 20 | 35 |
Organization | 20 | 50 | 15 | 20 | 20 | 25 |
Style | 10 | 0 | 10 | 10 | 0 | 6 |
Mechanics | 40 | 25 | 15 | 40 | 50 | 34 |
According to Roos, two of these teachers taught lower
track Freshmen, two taught upper track, and one (C) taught Sophomore literature.
Each of these five teachers was asked to submit nine papers, randomly chosen
from the same assignment -- 3 A's, 3 B's, and 3 C's. Although Roos was
most interested in style, he notes that "no teacher rated it higher than
10 percent, and two of the three [sic] teachers insisted it had no effect
on a paper's grade. One of them commented on the survey, 'I don't think
we have students who are ready to work on style.'" (7) Asking the teachers
to indicate what they saw as the relative weight of each of the four areas
was an interesting idea, but there is no indication that the five teachers
meant the same thing by "Style." Perhaps it would have been better to include
more categories, such as sentence length, variety, etc.
Another problem is implied by
Roos when he discusses combining sentences with semicolons. He specifically
notes that although teachers had "dabbled" with sentence combining, he
states that "none of the teachers used sentence combining extensively in
class." (6) But this raises the question of what did they do in class?
Suppose, for example, and it is not a far-out assumption, that the teachers
taught students how to use semicolons. [See above.]
These were, after all, mainly English teachers teaching comp to college
Freshmen, Freshmen whom the teachers believed were unable to deal with
"style." Thus the significant results that Roos finds could be simply the
result of the teachers recognizing in the writing exactly what the teachers
had been teaching. In itself, this is not bad, but it certainly would mess
up the research study, and without further background from Roos, we have
no way of knowing whether or not this was the case. Roos also does not
discuss the errors in the students' writing -- fragments, comma-splices,
etc. that could have affected the teachers grading. The teachers may have
considered these as matters of "mechanics," but they certainly affect t-unit
and word/sentence counts.
Still another problem is that
Roos looks for results in the total averages, i.e., he averages all the
A papers, B papers, etc. In effect, this may obscure some very significant
results. Suppose, for example, that teachers A and C do give much better
grades to students who write longer t-units with more subordinate clauses.
When their eighteen papers were added to the 27 papers of the other
teachers -- and averaged -- the significance would have been lost. Roos,
in other words, should have looked for statistical correlations between
the grading of individual teachers and the syntactic structures in the
papers that each graded. To say that, on average, syntactic style does
not affect grading, is not the same as saying that, for example, for one
of every five teachers, syntactic style may make the difference of a letter
grade on a paper. A typical college degree entails forty courses. If the
grades in eight of those courses can be shown to be affected by the students'
syntactic style, that is a pretty good reason for looking more closely
at the teaching of syntax.
Indeed, the final problem with
Roos' choice of graders is that they are all English teachers -- four of
them English teachers of writing. As my critique of NCTE's attitude toward
teaching grammar indicates, it might not be difficult to show that English
teachers are more lenient and less influenced by students' "style" than
are teachers in history, psychology, biology, business, math, etc. Any
study that claims to make a valid correlation (or lack of) between syntactic
maturity and grades should include graded papers from a wide range of disciplines.
This is particularly true because papers in history, psychology, etc. may
require advanced syntactic constructions -- subordinate clauses, appositives,
gerundives -- to convey their content clearly.
Question # 2: Definitions of Syntactic Constructions
We need to remember that Roos was presenting a paper at a conference and thus was constrained for both time and space. But for his study to be valid, we need to know exactly what he counted, for example, as main and subordinate clauses. As I have noted elsewhere, the researchers do not agree on what counts as what, but such definitions can have a major impact on the statistical results. [Mellon, for example, counts some subordinate clauses as separate main clauses.]
Question # 3: The Definition of Syntactic Maturity
For the time in which he was working, Roos includes a fair summary of previous research, but he missed some important work by Kellogg Hunt on "Late Blooming" constructions. Hunt not only argues that the appositive and gerundive are "late blooming," but he also points out that they reduce both clause count and clause length. Consider, for example, the following sets of sentences:
Question # 3: Narrowness of Scope
I have already noted the problem of Roos limiting the study to papers graded by English teachers, but he makes another assumption that he himself questioned:
Conclusion
Although Roos' conclusions are not valid, his study certainly points in an important direction and suggests some of the features that future studies should incorporate. Ultimately, it would be nice to have some large-scale studies of the correlations between syntactic maturity and grades at different grade levels and in different subject areas. Such studies, however, are extremely time-consuming and expensive. In the meantime, numerous studies on a smaller scale would be helpful. A graduate student or a teacher could, for example, collect a set of graded essays from another teacher (at any grade level, and preferably not from an English teacher), analyze the syntax, and see if there are correlations. Ideally, such a study would include permission to reproduce the original writing on the internet. That would make the originals available not only for review, but also for inclusion in larger studies.